Nature-Embedded Cities in Arid Contexts: A Khaleeji Framework

The notion of nature-embedded cities has become a fascinating and increasingly prominent topic in contemporary urbanism. The Chinese sponge city model, adopted as a nationwide urban construction policy in 2014, promotes a set of nature-based solutions that enable cities to absorb, store, infiltrate, and purify rainwater through natural and semi-natural landscapes rather than relying solely on conventional grey infrastructure. 

The Nanchang Fish Tail Park, example of the Sponge City model in action. (Source: Turenscape, 2021)

Instead of rapidly channeling stormwater away through pipes and concrete drains, sponge cities seek to slow, spread, and sink water across urban surfaces using tools such as wetlands, permeable pavements, bioswales, retention ponds, and green open spaces. The concept draws from both ecological planning theory and historic urban practices developed in response to monsoonal climates in southeastern China, where cities evolved to coexist with seasonal flooding rather than resist it, turning water from a hazard into an organizing element of urban form and public space.

Another emerging model of nature-embedded urbanism is urban rewilding, which challenges the idea that nature in cities must always be highly manicured, ornamental, and controlled. Urban rewilding advocates for the restoration of native ecologies and the reintroduction of self-sustaining habitats within the urban fabric, allowing natural processes to play a greater role in shaping landscapes over time. Urban rewilding treats park and landscape design as evolving ecosystems that support biodiversity, regulate microclimates, and strengthen ecological connectivity across metropolitan regions. 

A frequently cited example is the transformation of the Cheonggyecheon stream in Seoul, where a buried waterway was uncovered and restored as a linear ecological corridor, dramatically reducing urban heat, improving air quality, and reintroducing aquatic and bird species into the city center. While highly engineered in its execution, the project demonstrates how reintegrating natural systems into dense urban environments can simultaneously deliver ecological, climatic, and social benefits.

Cheonggyecheon Stream, Seoul, South Korea. (Source: @giuliaseok on TripAdvisor.com)

These models of nature-embedded urbanism share a common thread: they are largely oriented around “green” conceptions of nature rooted in temperate and monsoonal ecologies. One of the central challenges of urban planning in the Arabian Peninsula, however, lies in its fundamentally different environmental and climatic conditions. Cities of the Khaleej (and the peninsula at large) are built within hot, arid desert landscapes where water is scarce and evapotranspiration rates are high. In this context, importing conventional green models of urbanism can be environmentally counterproductive, leading to increased irrigation demand, higher energy consumption for desalination, and intensive landscape maintenance regimes that undermine long-term sustainability. 

This raises an important set of questions: can nature-based urbanisms meaningfully exist in this part of the Arab world? Are there indigenous spatial and environmental practices to learn from? And how can we reinterpret nature-embedded urbanism for arid environments?


Nature-Embedded Urbanism in Pre-Oil Khaleeji Settlements

Aflaj Irrigation Systems of Oman. (Source: Ko Hon Chiu Vincent / UNESCO.org)

Long before modern drainage systems and desalination plants, communities across the Arabian Peninsula developed highly effective ways of living with water scarcity. One of the most notable examples is the aflaj irrigation system (singular: falaj), a network of gravity-fed underground and surface channels that carried groundwater or spring water from distant sources to villages and agricultural land. These systems required no mechanical pumping and were carefully calibrated to follow natural slopes. Just as important as their engineering was the social system built around them: water was shared through precise time-based allocations, and maintenance was carried out collectively. The falaj was therefore not only infrastructure, but a system that shaped settlement patterns, farming practices, and daily life around shared responsibility for scarce resources.

Around these water networks emerged oasis settlements where homes, date palm groves, and farmland were closely intertwined. Palm canopies created shade and cooler microclimates, allowing other crops to grow beneath them and reducing water loss from the soil. These landscapes were productive, climatic, and social spaces at the same time, showing that nature in desert settlements was not decorative, but directly tied to survival, comfort, and economic life.

In parallel, many communities relied on wadi agriculture and floodwater harvesting, making use of seasonal water flows rather than permanent sources. Instead of trying to block floods, people built small barriers, channels, and terraces to slow and spread stormwater across fields, allowing it to soak into the ground and nourish crops. Flash floods, while dangerous, were also opportunities to replenish soils and recharge shallow groundwater. In many ways, this was an early form of landscape-based water management, working with natural cycles instead of forcing water into rigid pipes and drains.

Nature-based adaptation in Gulf settlements was not limited to water management alone. I’ve talked about this on my blog and public talks before, but passive climatic design strategies played a huge role in making this part of the world habitable. Architectural designs that worked with heat, wind, and solar exposure to create livable environments in extreme conditions. 

Al Fahidi Historical Neighbourhood, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. (Source: Yamani Alafari / Al-Bayan Newspaper)

One of the most recognizable features of traditional Gulf architecture is the wind tower, or barjeel, designed to capture prevailing breezes and direct cooler air into interior spaces. Combined with narrow streets and shaded passages that accelerated airflow, these elements helped reduce indoor temperatures without the use of mechanical cooling. At the scale of the home, courtyard houses created protected internal microclimates, where shaded open spaces, vegetation, and evaporative cooling moderated heat while maintaining privacy and social cohesion.

Material choices also played a critical role in regulating comfort. Buildings were commonly constructed using locally sourced materials including: mudbrick, coral stone, limestone, and other materials with high thermal mass that absorbed heat during the day and released it slowly at night. These materials were not only climatically effective, but also low in embodied energy and closely tied to local supply chains and craftsmanship. Roofs made from palm trunks and fronds further added insulation while using readily available natural resources. In this way, construction practices were directly linked to local ecologies, rather than dependent on imported industrial systems.

On the neighborhood and town-scale, settlement layouts themselves contributed to climate adaptation. Compact urban fabrics reduced exposure to the sun. Shaded walkways encouraged pedestrian movement, and building orientations responded to dominant wind patterns and seasonal sun paths. Together, these strategies formed an integrated environmental logic where comfort was achieved not through energy-intensive technologies, but through spatial design and material intelligence. This broader reading of nature-based urbanism, one that includes air, shade, soil, and thermal behavior, is especially relevant for desert cities today, where water alone cannot be the foundation of climate-responsive urban design.

“The urban fabric of Muharraq with its distinctive features; hierarchy of open spaces, courtyards, organic form and winding roads” (Source: El-Masri and Alraouf, 2005). 


Redefining Nature in Desert Cities

So how do we embrace nature-embedded urbanism in desert cities? Planners, designers, and landscape architects must answer this question by redefining what we mean by “nature” in the public realm. Landscape design in Gulf cities should not be reviewed by aesthetics and visually, by how “green” a space looks. Rather we should measure how well it performs ecologically or climatically. 

Lawns, exotic trees, and water-intensive landscapes may visually signal environmental care to the layman and general public, but they come at high environmental cost in arid regions, relying on constant irrigation and energy-intensive desalination. In this context, the pursuit of visual greenness risks becoming a form of greenwashing that masks deeper ecological inefficiencies.

An example of desert xeriscape landscaping in Dubai (Source: ‘NAD AL SHEBA’ Project by Wilden).

A more appropriate approach lies in embracing desert-based and xeriscape landscaping, using native and drought-tolerant plant species that are adapted to local soils, heat, and salinity. Such landscapes require significantly less water, provide habitat for local biodiversity, and are better suited to long-term maintenance realities.

More importantly, they reflect the natural character of the region rather than attempting to overwrite it. Shaded gravel gardens, native shrublands, and desert grasses can be just as spatially rich and socially inviting as conventional lawns when thoughtfully designed and integrated with seating, shade structures, and pedestrian networks.

An example of desert xeriscape landscaping in the UAE (Source: “Private Residence” Project by desert INK).

This redefinition of nature can also extend vertically and into the built environment. Green roofs and green walls in desert cities don’t have to mimic temperate gardens. They can be planted with xeriscape and drought-tolerant species that thrive with minimal irrigation and are adapted to heat and salt-laden winds. In practice, this means selecting plants such as succulents, native grasses, hardy shrubs, and desert flowering species that require very little water and can survive long dry periods, dramatically reducing irrigation needs compared with conventional green roofs. Research into native plant palettes for Qatar and the wider Gulf has identified local species suited to urban conditions that can save around 70% of the water required by typical ornamental landscapes while still providing shade, habitat, and aesthetic value.

In Khaleeji cities, rooftop gardens should use hardy species like succulents, ornamental grasses, and shrubs chosen specifically for arid conditions, helping to insulate buildings and cool their surroundings while supporting micro-habitats for pollinators and birds. This approach allows vegetation to persist on rooftops and facades with minimal water, either through drip systems or recycled greywater.

AI Generation of what a desert xeriscape landscaped roof could look like in the Gulf (Source: Google Gemini).

Perhaps most importantly, desert cities should reconsider the role of urban agriculture and productive landscapes as part of everyday urban life. Date groves, community gardens, and small-scale agricultural plots can once again become elements of neighborhood open space, reconnecting residents to food systems while reinforcing cultural identity. Historically, productive landscapes were central to settlement life in the Gulf, not peripheral to it. Reintroducing them into contemporary urbanism challenges the notion that nature in cities must be purely recreational or decorative, and instead frames it as functional, cultural, and socially embedded.

In this light, planners should advocate for the preservation of agricultural lands within urban areas, prioritizing their transformation into community gardens and productive parks rather than allowing their gradual conversion into residential subdivisions. 

Such spaces can serve both environmental and social functions, supporting food security, microclimate regulation, and community engagement while maintaining links to local heritage. Planning tools such as transfer of development rights, land banking, and targeted zoning protections can be used to safeguard these lands, redirect development pressures to better locations, and ensure that productive landscapes remain an integral part of the urban fabric.

Heenat Salma Farm in Al-Shahaniya, Qatar. (Source: Heenat Salma Farm).


It is here I am reminded of the Khaleeji adage:

“.الخليج ليس نفطا، والنفط ليس عار”

… meaning the Khaleej is not oil, and there is no shame in oil. In the same spirit, we ought to say that the Khaleej is not only desert, and there is no shame in the desert. What I mean by this is not a rejection of progress or urban growth, but a call to embrace our natural heritage as a foundation for shaping our urban praxis, both scientifically and aesthetically. 

Desert landscapes are not empty or hostile backdrops like we often characterize them to be, nor do they need to be corrected by imported greenery. They are complex and resilient ecosystems with their own rhythms, beauty, and ecological intelligence.

 
 

To design cities that are truly nature-embedded in this region is not to deny the desert, but to design with it, to work with its water cycles, its winds, its soils, and its seasonal extremes.

In doing so, we not only reduce environmental costs, but also recover a sense of place that is deeply rooted in local geography and cultural memory. A confident urbanism for the Gulf should not aspire to resemble other climates and other cities, but should instead draw strength from what this landscape already offers. 

In embracing the desert, we may find that sustainability, identity, and resilience are not competing goals, but deeply intertwined ones.


I’ve also released a supplementary carousel post on my Instagram which proposes a couple of planting palettes to use for green roofs in Qatar, linked here! Do check it out on my personal Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/abdulrahmanalmana

The Feasibility of Walkability in Extreme Heat

Courtesy of Kammutty VP, The Peninsula Qatar

Courtesy of Kammutty VP, The Peninsula Qatar

As a student of urban planning in Doha, the question I get asked the most by friends and family at home is: “How do we solve this traffic epidemic we have?” Doha, and by extension Qatar and its neighbors in the GCC, all suffer from the same issues in mobility perpetuated by their auto-centric design, inefficient public transportation modes, and a lack of pedestrian infrastructure. Gulf cities suffer from extreme automobile dependency, there are no alternative means of transportation or movement other than the private automobile. Walking is the forgotten mode of transportation in the Arabian Peninsula. Citizens are already paying the cost of these urban design policies and plans. Not only have the rate of car accidents and traffic increased during recent years compared to the past, but the population of the region has gotten unhealthier. In a 2012 report of the world’s heaviest nations, Kuwait was ranked as the world’s second-heaviest country, while Qatar, the UAE, and Bahrain ranked fourth, sixth and tenth place respectively. Automotive dependency has brought traffic and health consequences in the region.

Cities of the region have followed the American planning model, designed as pedestrian-unfriendly streets following a gridiron layout. The only spaces available to walk are malls, urban and national parks, and promenades. Public transportation in the region is also severely lacking, Riyadh for the longest time lacked a mass-transit system (specifically it's metro), while Dubai’s metro serves tourists primarily. The GCC is undertaking massive steps into becoming more walkable cities and have invested billions of dollars into their public transit infrastructure. The biggest hurdle for cities in the region to overcome is that of its extremely harsh hot climate, what are the current struggles facing cities of the region to become walkable, what strategies and projects are being implemented in an effort to become walkable, and how feasible are they, I.E. can people actually walk in this stupid unbearable heat?

A study published at the King Fahad University and the University of British Columbia assesses the travel conditions and accessibility of walking as well as the willingness to walk within the Doha & Dana districts of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. The study surveyed 200 respondents on the preferred mode of transportation to carry out certain activities, such as grocery shopping, banking, going to school, etc. The investigation shows 42.5% of residents prefer walking, of which 91.5% typically walk up to 1 km daily. The remaining 8.5% walk between 1-2 km. GIS analysis shows that 77.4% of streets in the two districts have sidewalks or walking trails (82.9 km out of 107 km of street distance). Moreover, existing sidewalk conditions in Doha & Dana are poor, sidewalks are narrow, standing at less than a meter wide, often with street lamps, signage, or date and palm trees erected in the middle, further congesting the walking trails. The study also states that 24% of the sidewalks were seen to be occupied by parked vehicles of the surrounding residents. A further 21% of the sidewalks have permanent constructions including walking ramps and carports. The study found that 60% of the residents walk to their nearest facilities while around 65% walk for recreation and health benefits. Overwhelmingly, the study shows that the most cited reason for not walking is due to the weather, daily average temperatures within the region almost reach 50°C (122°F) with very high humidity levels during the summer, pedestrians surveyed within the study area predominantly walk during the winter season. 

Bahrain has taken initiative to increase activity levels and walkability through built environment measures like the national network of public recreation areas, encompassing parks, walkways, and corniches. Outdoor walking facilities are built in new residential areas and are being developed in older residential quarters. Pursuing physical activity in Bahrain is limited by weather conditions like other nations within the region suffering from extreme heat. However, citizens can be found walking outdoors in purpose-built and vacant areas around sunrise and sunset, even during the hot season. This suggests that willingness to walk during the summer season should be a subject of further investigation. Responders of the previous study showed that weather was the biggest concern, but the case study of Bahrain suggests that given the proper infrastructure, citizens can make the choice to walk in that weather. While the weather is a factor in why people choose not to walk, a lack of proper infrastructure acts as a barrier that does not allow for walking. 

Courtesy of tai_mab, Flickr.com.

Courtesy of tai_mab, Flickr.com.

An article published by Qatar University in the Case Studies on Transport Policy compares pedestrian behavior during the summer and winter seasons in the Al-Sadd district of Doha. Al-Sadd is one of Doha’s most popular and livable neighborhoods, it's also known for its mixed land uses and high density. Overall, almost double the people were observed walking during the winter season versus the summer season. It is worth noting, however, that the same number of pedestrians were observed during the weekend and weekdays during the summer season, while during the winter more people walked during the weekday. Observations in the study cite that more pedestrians were recorded holding bags during the winter season, showing that small trips for shopping on foot are more favorable during the winter. A separate study from Qatar University looks at the Al-Markhiya district in Doha. Al-Markhiya offered a great deal of potential to be a self-sustaining neighborhood in Doha, with commercial frontage on Khalifa Street. Khalifa Street connects the C-Ring and D-Ring roads, and congestion issues are quite prominent on this road as commuters use this arterial road to travel from Al-Dafna to Education City. However, due to a lack of land use management and sidewalk design, this community did not realize its potential. The streets of the district are designed for the automobile, and not for pedestrians. The scale is inappropriate for pedestrians, and there is a lack of shading and street furniture discourages walking as a mode of transport. 

Abu Dhabi, like Riyadh, Baghdad, and Islamabad, feature large wide arterial roads connecting in a grid pattern to define a superblock. These superblocks were to be evenly spaced creating rectangular blocks of 900 by 600 meters. Each superblock was designed to be easily navigated through direct routes, and each would function as largely independent communities with facilities and services such as schools, mosques, and small commercial developments where you could fulfill your daily necessities. Fast non-local traffic was kept on arterial roads that defined the superblock, whereas inner roads were calm to ensure a safe and protected environment for pedesterians and slower local automobiles. While Abu Dhabi largely erased any trace of its historical organic settlement pattern for the superblock system, it adopted the system of sikkak (sing. sikka). Sikkak are a system of narrow alleyways connecting the main road or city center to the surrounding residential clusters, they are very common in Arab cities throughout history and today are most prominent in historic cores of Arab cities. In Abu Dhabi, sikkak work as pass-through spaces, connecting secluded spaces of an area. A study published by Masdar Institute shows that this system of sikkak contributes tremendously to the efficiency and directness of routes, encouraging walkability within these superblocks. 

Figure on the left showing the components of the superblock. Figure on the right showing the aggregation of superblocks forming a large district/neighborhood. Courtesy of M. Scoppa et al.

Figure on the left showing the components of the superblock. Figure on the right showing the aggregation of superblocks forming a large district/neighborhood. Courtesy of M. Scoppa et al.

Additionally, using clever street orientation relative to the sun path, sikkak and streets can be used to create a pedestrian microclimate that would provide thermal comfort. Sikkak were designed with walls in mind to provide shade to pedestrians. Streets with a high aspect ratio (building height/street width), similar to older Arab city centers, provide a more comfortable microclimate. A study looking at thermal comfort and walkability in the Mega Kuningan Superblock in Jakarta concluded that in a hot-humid environment it is imperative that architects and city planners provide shade either from surrounding buildings or through trees. While the desert climate may discourage gardening and planting trees for shading, trees native to the Arabian Peninsula such as Samr; Sidr; Ghaf; Sind (Gum Arabic tree); Date Palms; and many more. These trees offer shade while still being able to live and prosper in the harsh desert climate. 

Yes, the Arabian Peninsula is hot, unbearably hot, so hot that at times I question whether or not civilization belongs in this part of the world, but the fact of the matter is: people have lived in these areas for centuries under these difficult weather conditions. People of the peninsula relied on their feet to get around their cities and townships. Cities were dense, sikkak provided shading and additional spaces for walking, marketplaces provided shade for customers and passersby. People built malaqif (sing. Milqaf, windtowers) to cool their houses and mosques. Today, with science and technological advancements, using proper street orientation, a system of sikkak, and providing shading with trees native to the region, it is possible to repopulate our cities with pedestrians despite the heat. While the heat and weather certainly make walking less comfortable and less of an appealing option to navigate the city, the lack of infrastructure and pedestrian-oriented design bars people from walking in the city. Municipalities within the region need focus on planning at a microscale, focusing on small districts and neighborhoods, ensuring the scale of planning is that of the pedestrian such that a safe and comfortable environment can be ensured. The region is suffering from a health crisis. Obesity rates are at the highest they have historically been, cardiovascular diseases are on the rise, all of which is further stimulated by the unhealthy automobile-dependent lifestyle that the Khaleeji urban form has perpetuated. The world is suffering from an environmental crisis, countries of the GCC top the world’s lists in carbon footprint per capita, of which transportation by private automobile is one of its biggest contributors. Walking, along with public transit, should be as effective, if not more effective than the automobile if we want to make it a more competitive and attractive alternative option for transportation. 

On a final note, it’s really only unbearably hot between May and September, while the weather is surprisingly nice for the rest of the year.

Additional Reading:

Harb, D F. “Walk-ability Potential in The Built Environment of Doha City,” n.d., 15.

Kamel, Mohamed Atef Elhamy. “Encouraging Walkability in GCC Cities: Smart Urban Solutions.” Smart and Sustainable Built Environment; Bingley 2, no. 3 (2013): 288–310. https://doi.org/10.1108/SASBE-03-2013-0015.

Koerniawan, Mochamad Donny, and Weijun Gao. “Thermal Comfort and Walkability In Open Spaces of Mega Kuningan Superblock in Jakarta.” In ResearchGate, Vol. 3. Venice, Italy, 2014. https://doi.org/10.13140/2.1.4388.5766.

Rahman, Muhammad Tauhidur, and Kh Md Nahiduzzaman. “Examining the Walking Accessibility, Willingness, and Travel Conditions of Residents in Saudi Cities.” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 4 (14 2019). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16040545.

Scoppa, Martin, Khawla Bawazir, and Khaled Alawadi. “Walking the Superblocks: Street Layout Efficiency and the Sikkak System in Abu Dhabi.” Sustainable Cities and Society 38 (April 1, 2018): 359–69. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scs.2018.01.004.

Shaaban, Khaled, and Deepti Muley. “Investigation of Weather Impacts on Pedestrian Volumes.” Transportation Research Procedia, Transport Research Arena TRA2016, 14 (January 1, 2016): 115–22. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trpro.2016.05.047.

Shaaban, Khaled, Deepti Muley, and Dina Elnashar. “Evaluating the Effect of Seasonal Variations on Walking Behaviour in a Hot Weather Country Using Logistic Regression.” International Journal of Urban Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 382–91. https://doi.org/10.1080/12265934.2017.1403363.

Silva, Joao Pinelo, and Aamal Z. Akleh. “Investigating the Relationships between the Built Environment, the Climate, Walkability and Physical Activity in the Arabian Peninsula: The Case of Bahrain.” Edited by Silvio Caputo. Cogent Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 1502907. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2018.1502907.